Brazil and Italy will meet in a football game next Tuesday. The friendly match is far from having the importance of other disputes in the past, world cup decisions included, but the mood built around the game has set the national blogospheres on fire — see Global Voices.

After weeks of cross-Atlantic brouhaha, some bloggers are starting to wonder how and why the case has gone so far. Is the Brazilian Government’s decision to grant political refugee status to Italian felon Cesare Battisti really worth of such attention?

What elements could be at play to bring forth those remarkable outcomes, such as the minute of silence from the Ministers of European Parliament in a session last week in honor of Battisti’s alleged victims from 30 years ago, or the farewell of an Italian-born media icon in Brazil over the heated national debate on the case, and also Italy’s recall of their Ambassador in Brasilia?  The Italian government went as far as threatening to call off the friendly game scheduled to be held on February 10 in London, leading Brazilians to sense a blow out of proportion. Berlusconi is the one to blame.

Gratuitous altercation the one created by the “Battisti case” and the attitude of the buffoon government headed by Silvio Berlusconi. At least I took the time to study the subject before I ventured to write a few lines about it. Most analysts are open about the passion on their analysis and transformed the event into a partisan dispute, or worse, a football match.
Brasil vs Itália – Disolving in the Air

Italy, today, is going through the government of histrionic Berlusconi. He owns the huge Italian TV network,  owns newspapers, owns football teams. That is, he is the owner of Italy. And he is clearly fascist, xenophobic, racist.
Berlusconi Hystery and the Brazilian Sovereignity – Blog de Luís Antônio Castagna Maia

The reaction now is very different from last year, when the French government refused to extradite Marina Petrella, a former Red Brigades terrorist who was informed of the decision at her hospital bed by Carla Bruni herself. This time with Brazil, Ms. Sarkozy had to come out to dimiss any connection with Cesare Batistti, which ended up bringing more spice to the story.

Many blogs mention that the main source of the Italian enrage this time was the terms used by the justice minister Tarso Genro to announce the asylum grant, declaring that Battisti was a victim of political persecution and that his life might be at risk if he were returned to his homeland.

More than the decision itself, what provoked the violent reaction of the Italian government were the terms used by the Minister of Justice, Tarso Genro, to deny the Italian request, accepting Battisti’s allegations that he would be risking his life, or suffering political persecution if he were to be returned to Italy.
Battisti and Rother: the art of shooting your feet – Balaio do Kotscho

Although we can insist that the Brazilian decision was sovereign, it is known that Tarso did not consult the Foreign Ministry before making his decision. And he threw in the face of Italy and Berlusconi’s government some though arguments, not diplomatic and totally unnecessary. France obviously holds the same supicions that afflicts the strident Minister of Justice, but preferred to refer to the Petrella’s health conditions, instead of creating a case for nothing. Thus, forcing Italy to retreat. It seems reasonable that the same sovereign decision that Tarso upholds elevates the tension in relations with Italy, which saw a Brazilian Minister of Justice for the first time questioning the justice system of other country. A case of second class contempt. A good example of how a fair decision can be undermined by those who do not know how to respect the sovereignty of others.
Tarso has failed (indeed) on Batistti – Savarese’s Blog

Football is not the only strong link between Brazilians and Italians. There are many other cultural interfaces, and also the fact that Brazil is home for the biggest Italian community outside Italy. In the present case, it seems that this proximity has ignited a complex chain reaction over unresolved issues from both countries’ past: the “years of lead“.

In Brazil, where armed groups fought against the military dictatorship that ruled Brazil from 1964 until 1985, an amnesty law resulted that neither security officials accused of torture nor those involved in violence against the state faced prosecution. Italy is proud of having maintained its political institutions during its ‘anni di piombo‘ (1970-80), but many aspects of the period seems to be shrouded in mystery.

A key figure in this debate here in Brazil turned to be Mino Carta, the Italian-born journalist, publisher and writer that helped create 3 of the 4 main magazines currently published in the country. Known as an independent and authoritative voice, and also a close friend to President Lula, he has used his blog to vigorously attack minister Genro for his stance and declarations on the Battisti episode. Last week, in a last post where he declares having lost faith in journalism, and in Brazil, Mr. Carta closed his blog and announced his silence at Carta Capital, the magazine.

It is Jean-Paul Lagarride on the call, from Darfur.
Question: “Hey, Does Tarso Genro wants to declare war to Italy?”  “Perhaps,” I admit. Here is the following dialogue.
He – Besides being a lawyer, he is a professor of history and political science. A master.
I – You think?
He – Yes, just gave Italy a lesson of democracy. How has Brazil came out from their years of lead? With the law of amnesty. Italy has so far not made their own law of amnesty.
I – Must be because Italy has not had a general Golbery [mastermind of the Brazilian redemocratization process].
He – Yeah. And how the old Golba did to Italy.
I – Maybe our dear Tarso has not noticed that there are lead and lead?
Lagarride e Tarso Genro – Blog do Mino

Minister Tarso Genro said in Belem [at the Social Forum] that against Battisti’s extradition hold line diverse supporters, from amnesty advocates to torturers of the dictatorship, “with the exception of Mino Carta.” I appreciate the reference, however, I’ve got to make note of the fact that the minister falls in startling contradiction. Was not he who on a burst that verges on the volterian satire, suggested  that Italy should implement an amnesty law like the one signed in Brazil by the dictator in charge? Perhaps the Minister does not know that while in Brazil existed a Terror of State, in Italy happened a serious and failed terrorist attempt to destabilize a democratic state of law established since the end of fascism.
Farewell – Blog do Mino

Cesare Battisti is inprisoned in Brasilia waiting for the final decision of the Brazilian Federal Supreme Court (STF). An important piece of the process is a letter from Francesco Cossiga, the hardline interior minister of the 1970s, confirming that Battisti’s crimes were indeed political in nature. In a recent interview on IstoÉ magazine, which was broadly reblogged by those following the case, Battisti urges his home country to review what really happened back then.

“I think Minister Genro’s gesture was one of courage and humanity. It is a very important not only for me, Cesare Battisti, but for humanity. Italy needs to reread their own history. We are giving the Italian nation the opportunity to read their story calmly, humanely … At that time, torture was part of daily life in Italy. Italy has to recognize that. But it can not. Because Italy is Europe. And Italy could not accept that in 1970 they went through a civil war. ”
Cesare Battisti – “Por que tudo isso comigo?” – Blog do Se

Navigating through the Brazilian blogs covering the episode, it is easy to find opinions that mirrors what the main media vehicles are publishing. Results of a recent pool at Globo.com shows 80% of disagreement with the Brazilian government decision to grant refugee to Mr. Battisti. Still, there are some interesting takes on the contradictions evoked by the different political solutions carried out by Brazil and Italy to resolve their political wounds of the past, and how to deal with the contradictions posed by today and tomorrow.

The mainstream media refers to the ‘terrorist Battisti’ as if he had acted yesterday, but we are speaking of things happened between 30 and 40 years ago. The Minister Tarso Genro is right to say that the press showed a different behavior when he proposed a debate on punishment of the torturers. At that moment they said it was a thing from the past … He is accused of having taken a political decision, but he followed what the STF had already decided on such cases. One of the minister’s  critics was governor Serra [from Sao Paulo state, the opposition main candidate for the 2010 presidential elections], who displayed his shock about granting refugee to Battisti, but in the last election supported Fernando Gabeira, who kidnaped an American ambassador, but is not considered a terrorist.
Italian fascists and Brazilian media lie about Battisti – Bahia de Fato

Finally, a basic question, unavoidable: what is the motivation of the Italian government? Why so much effort into putting their hands on a harmless character, after so long? The answer, or part thereof, is the domestic situation in Italy, marked by the crisis and a wave of protests in which stands out a strong student activism. Berlusconi and his allies react to the rise of a non-domesticated left swinging the scarecrow of the “years of lead”. The hysteria around the Battisti case, which is being manipulated to create an anachronistic association between “radicals” of yesterday and today, makes sense. In contrast, gives support to a speech in which the fascist mayor of Rome, Gianni Alemanno, has just declared that “the Italian student movement is (might be) run by 300 criminals from La Sapienza university.”
The media against Battisti – Entreatos

Let’s hope for a good match today, where the genuine respect that people in Brazil and Italy nurture for both countrie’s citizens, culture and, specially, artful football, outshines minor politically motivated imbroglios.

Peace in Angola after decades of war — first the war for independence against the Portuguese troops and followed by an equally bloody fratricidal war — has brought forth the development of varied and rich musical forms, and also their discovery by audiences at home and abroad. We are not saying that there was no music being made and recorded before that — check it out the recording in the box , already referenced months ago in this blog, or in the recent compilation, all of them created in the last years of Portuguese domination — or the innumerable recordings from Kizomba artists edited during the civil war. But, in recent years, new genres were born and have grown with unstoppable strength — especially the very Angolan version of the hip-hop, and also the Kuduro and the Tarrachinha.
Tarrachinha – The Sexiest Music in the World (and Other Musics from Angola) – Raízes e Antenas

“No Dancing da ‘Mãe Ju’ começa-se a dançar às 14h
e só se pára quando nasce o dia”
“In ‘Mãe Ju’s Dancing, we start to dance at 2 pm
and stop when the new day comes”
Documentário Mãe-Ju – Caboindex

According to some referenced sources, Kuduro’s dance style was inspired by an unlikely character: the Belgian movie actor Jean-Claude Van Damme. In the video below, Tony Amado explains how he was inspired by Van Damme’s funny way of dancing all stiff and with a tight ass in one of his films, and how the first Kuduro song and steps soon emerged while he and his friends laughed at the white man’s dance.

Kuduro was recently portrayed on a Brazilian Sunday night TV show called ‘Central da Periferia’ [Periphery Central], where the reporter Regina Casé searches for marginal cultural movements in the outskirts of the big cities throughout the world. The director Monica Almeida blogs about what she saw at Sambizanga, a poor neighborhood in Luanda and also home of ‘Os Lambas’, the most popular local Kuduro group.

Kuduro is easily comparable to Brazil’s Funk Carioca from Rio de Janeiro. The songs are produced in precarious garage studios in the outskirts of Luanda. Exactly how it happens, for example, in Cidade de Deus (the place of the famous film). It is enough to have a room, even a minimal one, and a computer. The marketing is made in a simple and efficient way: you give a cd to a ‘candongueiro’ — the one who drives the ‘candonga’ vans used for group transportation — and he plays it! If the music is good, it turns into a hit without the need of radio or recording company. That’s how it was with ‘Os Lambas’, the most popular Kuduro group in Angola at this moment.
Só Sucesso – Central da Periferia

The analogy with the Funk Carioca also brings forth the idea of a cultural movement that is seen as marginal by the mainstream. The former leader of ‘Os Lambas’ was killed by the police accused of murder, and the video clip above shows that the relationship with ‘the law’ is at best, contentious. But a recent article in a local newspaper linking the Kuduro movement with gangs and violence generated 73 comments, the majority of them rejecting the connection with marginality as a relevant issue.

When the Kudurists started to make those annoying shows, I hated them, but my ‘kota’ used to say: I sense that this movement can be a way of questioning our reality and, for good or bad, it starts to get out of the control of those who only want to hear what they like … and the release of frustrations is being sung because these [new] “recording companies” are not under the control of “bosses” who would only let flourish those who cultivate their personalities. I am against the Kuduro way of life, I am against some of its lyrics, but I don’t go to extremes. Many want to condemn the Kuduro, but they dance the rap with all the nonsense it contains; on the hand, the Semba is not used to make conflict or express frustration, neither kilapanga, or sungura; most of the rap made in Angola is tamed … Kuduro is the release and by virtue of being spontaneous it will have more success because the ghetto sees itself in it. Do you want to see the youth dance in the ghettos? Play on Kuduro!!!!
Comentário de Prenda, in A Relação Entre as Gangs e o Kuduro – Angonotícias

We just have to get into a ‘candonga’ [van] to listen to these songs from those rascals who use the kuduro to accomplish revenges and foment delinquency. The police should stop the circulation and diffusion of this music that is promoted by the ‘candongueiros’ [van drivers]. The kuduro has already turned into popular music when it is well executed and sung like it is by the little Dog Murras and these other singers of the style should deliver positive and educative messages.
Comentário de Aurora KonaKente, in A Relação Entre as Gangs e o Kuduro – Angonotícias

The style of a music is the manifestation of the state of a society, and we can’t just condemn it. In the US hiphop denounces racism and intolerance and nobody condemns it. We the Angolans, should value all the gestures generated by our society.
Comentário de Marta (Luanda), in A Relação Entre as Gangs e o Kuduro – Angonotícias

This rhythm is typical from Angola. In Luanda I risked some steps myself, but not the ones on this video. It’s like the singer says: what African doesn’t dance? what Angolan doesn’t dance? and I complete: and what Afro-descendant doesn’t dance?
Kuduro – Ieda de Oliveira

HAITI
Caetano Veloso e Gilberto Gil

When you are invited up on the terrace
of the Casa de Jorge Amado Foundation
to watch from above the row of soldiers;
almost all black
beating on the necks of black good for nothings
of mulatto thieves and other almost white ones
treated like the black ones
just to show the other almost black ones
(and they are almost all black)
and the almost white poor like black ones
how it is that blacks, poor, and mulattos
and almost white ones, almost black and poor are treated
and it doesn’t matter if the eyes of the whole world
might for a moment be turned to the square
where the slaves were punished
and today a pounding of drums,
pounding of drums
with the purity of boys
in secondary school uniforms on parade day
and the epic grandeur of a people in formation
it attracts us, astonishes and stimulates us
nothing matters:
not the trace of the mansion’s architecture
not the lens from Fantástico,
not Paul Simon’s record
no one, no one is a citizen
if you go to the party there at Pelô,
and if you don’t go
think of Haiti, pray for Haiti
Haiti is here—Haiti is not here

And on TV, if you see a congressman
in badly concealed panic
when faced by any, absolutely any, any, any
plan for education that seems easy
that seems fast and easy
and will represent a threat to democratize
primary school education
and if this same congressman
should defend
the adoption of capital punishment
and the venerable cardinal should declare
that he sees so much soul in the fetus
and none in the criminal and if,
when you run a light, the old familiar light
red as usual
you notice on a street corner
a man pissing
on a shiny bag of garbage from Leblon
and when you hear the smiling silence of São Paulo
in response to the massacre
111 defenseless prisoners
but prisoners are almost all black
or almost black, or almost white
almost black and so poor
and poor men are rotten,
and everyone knows how blacks are treated
and when you go on holiday in the Caribbean
and when you go fuck without a condom,
and participate intelligently in the blockade of Cuba
Think of Haiti, pray for Haiti
Haiti is here, Haiti is not here.

…